The American Task Force on Lebanon (ATFL) is deeply concerned by recent calls for the United States to reconsider its support of Lebanon at a critical moment in the country’s political and security trajectory. Over the past year, American diplomacy has played an essential role in securing a ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon, facilitating the election of a new president, and supporting the formation of a technocratic government committed to the full disarmament of Hezbollah and the country’s economic recovery.
The Lebanese Army: The Guarantor of Lebanon’s Sovereignty
ATFL is particularly alarmed by proposals to reconsider or suspend US assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), Lebanon’s national army and the only institution capable of upholding the state’s authority. Such a step would be strategically shortsighted, destabilizing, and contrary to long-standing American interests in the region.
The LAF remains the United States’ most effective partner in Lebanon—an institution critical to securing borders, countering militias, implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1701, and supporting the government’s long-term efforts to reestablish the state’s monopoly over the use of force.
The United States has invested for nearly two decades in building the LAF into the only legitimate, national security institution with the credibility, discipline, and public trust to uphold Lebanon’s sovereignty. It remains the single most important counterweight to the spread of militias, lawlessness, and foreign interference. Abandoning this investment just as the LAF is undertaking its most serious effort in years to reclaim state authority would undermine US regional security interests and jeopardize prospects for peace with Lebanon’s neighbors.
We are clear-eyed about the obstacles. Lebanese authorities are not moving as decisively or as quickly as the United States and others expect, and both the government and the LAF must be more transparent about how they intend to reestablish state authority across all Lebanese territory. But it is equally true that, south of the Litani River, the LAF is making tangible progress in implementing a phased plan to enforce Resolution 1701, curb illegal weapons, and restrict Hezbollah’s operational space. According to army sources, roughly 90% of Hezbollah’s military infrastructure and outposts in the south have already been dismantled. This approach must now be extended to the rest of the country—and the LAF should articulate how it intends to get there. For its part, US Central Command or the US Monitoring Mechanism should regularly communicate the progress being made and provide clear public benchmarks, including when the Litani sector and other zones have met the disarmament requirements of the ceasefire agreement.
However, the LAF cannot do this alone. Without the continued support of the United States and its allies, this effort will stall, and the vacuum will be filled by the very actors Washington is seeking to contain. The choice is not between a perfect LAF and no LAF: it is between enabling a legitimate national institution to finish the job or weakening it in a way that directly strengthens Hezbollah and other armed groups.
Lebanon’s Peace and Prosperity
Every stakeholder has a responsibility at this moment. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, and other regional partners who are seeking an alternative vision for Lebanon—one that is sovereign, independent and prosperous—, must also play their part. Their political backing, security support, and eventual economic investment will be essential in rebuilding the state and ensuring its durability.
Equally important is Lebanon’s urgent need to combat the expanding cash economy, which fuels corruption, empowers Hezbollah’s illicit networks, and undermines the very state institutions the United States and its partners are trying to strengthen. Ongoing efforts by the Central Bank Governor to tighten financial oversight and reintroduce basic monetary discipline are important first steps, but they require political backing and international support to have real impact.
Lebanese officials also remain concerned about Israel’s commitment to a full withdrawal from all Lebanese territory once Lebanon has met its obligations. At the same time, there is recognition that continued Israeli strikes risk eroding public confidence in the state and in the national army as Lebanon’s primary guarantors of security. Israeli leaders have previously indicated that a reciprocal withdrawal of IDF forces would follow credible, sustained LAF efforts to reestablish state authority and curb Hezbollah’s military presence in the south and elsewhere. A clear, public reaffirmation of this commitment would provide much-needed reassurance and strengthen the incentive structure for disarmament and de-escalation. As part of this process, Lebanon and Israel should move toward direct negotiations to demarcate their border and settle remaining points of contention. Taken together, these steps would strengthen stability along the frontier and open the door for a more durable peace between them.
For the United States, it is critically important not to walk away from its leadership role. Its long-standing and strategic investment in Lebanon is paying off and finally within reach. US leadership and support has already helped preserve Lebanon’s internal cohesion through crisis, protect its borders, address significant needed reforms and maintain a degree of stability in one of the world’s most volatile regions. Pausing or conditioning assistance in a way that weakens the LAF will only set back American objectives.
ATFL urges Congress and the Administration to lead efforts to support the LAF and Lebanon’s state institutions as the only viable path to sovereignty, accountability, and regional stability.
